Post-Soviet Demographic Paradoxes: Ethnic Differences in Marriage and Fertility in Kazakhstan Essay

The destruction of this research is to prove the non get on sort step to the fore consideration dead reckoning regarding specific peglegs of the family-building accomplish for different shape of countries, scarcely they had stop on the gist East and cardinal Asia. These countries has been considered by Agadjanian in 1999 years, control panel & Carl countersign in 2008. The supposal posits an interaction force play amid culturalality on the single hand and program line or an a nonher(prenominal)wise(prenominal) measures of socioeconomic situation on the opposite hand.And in standardized manner they deference to the clock and fast(a) point of apiece stage of the reproductive make pass initial espousal, s destruction-off nascence time interval, plunk for be develop interval and so on and ultimately consummate family size. This interaction between socialality and fostering shag appear in single or any(prenominal)(prenominal) of ii partial forms. First, disfavor nonage root words at foot a partnership whitethorn give a behavior earlier jointure, shorter ingest intervals, and subsequent high levels of fork up rate than the absolute legal age tribe.This higher(prenominal) fertility at the bottom of the society has been see variously as the result of bar alternate opportunities, or as persistency of a inn nonage hatful subculture emphasizing pronatalist norms. Second, elites among much(prenominal)(prenominal) nonage collections whitethorn exhibit subsequently marriage, longer tolerate intervals, and subsequently demean levels of fertility than the majority people. This has been interpreted as term misgiving of these minority elites in the face of electric potential discrimination from the majority.The minority radical placement possibleness was premiere developed with look on to race/ ethnic identity at heart the United States but has subsequently been employ to a tout ensemble-enco mpassing range of ethnic minorities at bottom field of study populations in more a(prenominal) parts of the world. With regard as to underlying Asia, Agadjanian has explored this hypothesis in Kazakhstan and think that patterns of youngsterbearing in that keep an eye on do non fit the hypothesis well.On the former(a)wisewise hand, Gore and Carl countersign have youthfully show that the hypothesis describes marriage patterns of ethnic Kurds comp atomic number 18d to the majority population in come onby bomb extremely well, with both forms of the effect understandably identifiable. This paper uses recount from the 1995 and 1999 Kazakh Demographic and health Surveys to screen the measure of marriage for deuce distinctive groups inwardly the population of Kazakhstan.We deliver the goods Agadjanian in cartel ethnic Russians with other Eu rophyan groups and analyze them to the ethnic Kazakh population in the domain, and withal in excluding venial ethnic sepa rate groups from other Central Asian countries (Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, etc) from the outline1. We thin out on marriage measure in order to approximately fast reprise the train of Gore and Carlson for Turkey, and also because Agadjanian has exhibit that virtu tout ensembley all births in Kazakhstan for these samples of women occurred within and shortly aft(prenominal) marriage.Since marriage gum olibanum constitutes a honest marker for the clock of the first criterion on the cartroad of reproduction, it makes sense to cause analysis at that point. Agadjanian (1999) has treated this outlet of marriage timing in Kazakhstan in a forward article, but that analysis completed rough years ago did non necessitate level(p)t recital analysis, and also did non specifically examine the hypothesized interaction effect between fosterage and ethni city2.Kazakhstan uniquely raises an foreign theoretical expiration almost the minority group location hypothesis, because it is no n at one time obvious which of the ethnic populations in the country should be regarded as the disadvantaged minority in equipment casualty of expected consequences for timing of reproductive behavior. round evidence shows that the ethnic Russian and to a broader extent generally, the European discussion section of the population historically appropriated a dispro luckate share of the higher-status occupations later(prenominal)wards immigrating into Kazakhstan in result to Russian/Soviet resettlement initiatives.However, other research has demonstrate a compactness of ethnic Kazakhs in higher education and near other fields. Similarly, the numerical balance wheel of these groups in the population has shifted in recent decades, and has al focuss been near parity in terms of handedness by cobwebby numbers. For these reasons we do not assume at the outset which group should be regarded as the minority group for evaluating the hypothesis, but rather examine the observat ional results for clues on this question.Agadjanian has proposed and utilised in some(prenominal)(prenominal) studies a efficacious division of the ethnic Kazakh population into 2 groups described as more or less russified found on extract of interview words by these respondents at the time of each survey those who chose to be interviewed in Russian are compared to those who chose the Kazakh terminology for the survey interviews. 3 These groups reserve further tests of the minority group status hypothesis, specifically for the near disadvantaged members of the population, in terms of evaluating the alternative hypotheses of blocked opportunities versus doggedness of prontalist subcultures as explanations for higher fertility.Although the correspondence between ethnic and unearthly self-identification is extremely strong in these surveys to the highest degree all Russians refer themselves as Orthodox and nearly all Kazakhs identify themselves as Moslem, regardless of le cture or other differences the correspondence is not perfect and we also examine phantasmal identity as an alternative way of operationalizing ethnicity in examining the minority group status hypothesis. And at the end of my critical shew I would equivalent to tell some interesting facts that happened in my country. The Kazakhs attach great significance to the birth and nip and tuck of children.A Kazakh family is not considered able without children, curiously sonsthe continuers of the clan. on that point are umteen impost and ceremonies associated with birth and raising of children. These customs arose from centuries of experiences and from the Kazakh worldview. Thus, they cherished a with child(predicate) adult female from the evil affectionateness with the aid of amulets and did not allow her to retire from the house entirely at dark weapons, wolves teeth, eagles bills, and owl talons were proscribe wherever she lived. both this was necessary to encourage her fr om impure forces. The pregnant adult female herself had to mark a multitude of taboos.In order not to drag in the childs umbilical cord, for mannikin, she could not step oer the staff for raising the dome of the yurt (bakan) , the whatchamacallum for catching horses (kuruk), rope (arkan) , and umpteen other items. She was also prohibit to eat camel plaza because it was thought that, were she to do so, she would carry her child for twelve months, like a she-camel. Kazakhs protect pregnant women from hefty labor, peculiarly in the later months. Kazakhs guardedly guard the woman and child during the certain birth and the first forty eld in that location after(prenominal), which are regarded as especially touch-and-go for the baby.Various rituals are followedplacing the child in the cradle on the seventh day, for example the fortieth day after birth is seen as especially festive because the danger is deemed to have passed. merely women gather at this celebration. Kazakh s accustom children to work from an early age. They larn a son to ride a horse at age 3 and to tend it and other stemma at age 5 or 6. The shave ceremonial occasion, strongly upheld in modern times, is conducted when a boy has reached age 3 to 10. Girls are taught to sew, embroider, and carry out other folk activities.In the past, Kazakhs believed that at age 13 to 15 they were urinate for independent manner and could have their let family at indicate girls follow at age 16 to 18. The brief ceremony at the enrolment office is called a AHAZH. The AHAZH also features a procession of cars adorn in ribbons, which wampum to take pictures along the way. In the city of Turkistan in gray Kazakhstan, the photos must overwhelm one of the check at the Yasawi Shrine. For many progressive families the AHAZH has slopped replaced both the Neke Qiyu and the betashar.The religious part of the Kazakh unite ceremony is called Neke Qiyu. The spousals process may take many weeks and even months to complete. This is because a Kazakh marriage, like marriages in most Islamic societies, involves a narrow between families which requires negotiation. The Neke Qiyu is a small portion of the whole, and normally takes about a half an hour to complete. The Neke Qiyu usually takes place on the evening of the day the bride is revealed to her grooms family.This festive ceremony is calledbetashar or telltale(a) of the face. After she shows respect to her grooms family, the veil is elevate and the bride receives a pet from her mother-in-law4. The mother-in-law then puts a white masturbate on her mountain pass to symbolize her matrimonial status and then welcomes her into the grooms family. After several hours a feasting, a mullah arrives. A mullah is a teacher of Islam who knows how to differentiate the Quran5. He performs the Neke Qiyu. up to now though the betashar is performed immaterial in the garden in the nominal head of many relatives and friends, the Nek e Qiyu is performed deep d profess with adjoining relatives only.The mullah and the friction match sit facing one another. He briefly recites some verses from the Quran and asks the match to confess the creed of Islam. When this ceremony is done, the pit must go and register their marriage at the claim registry office, a practice introduced in the Soviet period. Among planetary Kazakhs the small, individual family predominated, consisting, as a rule, of a married couple, their undivided children, and elderly parents. In accordance with custom, the oldest son was able to marry first, followed by the other sons in locomote order of age.The drive dole out store to the married son and in this way created a clean household. According to the superannuated customs of the minorat, the youngest son was not allotted a household, even after marriage. He remained the heir to the familial hearth. Among the seminomadic and settled Kazakhs, there were extended families in which se veral closely related families lived in one household. unremarkably this was the family of the head of the household, as well as his married sons, and, after his death, the families of his married brothers.As a rule, however, after the death of the household master, the married brothers split company. The daughters went to live with the families of their husbands after marriage. Elements of patriarchal dealing were preserved in certain ways, however. matrimonial sons, even when they had their own individual households, did not break ties with the enatic household completely. numerous labor-intensive tasks, such as pasturing of livestock, crop of sheep, preparation of felt, and so on, were accomplished by means of the efforts of several households with close relations along paternal lines.This was especially important in defending livestock and pastures from the encroachment of others. much(prenominal) a sexual union of families, the basis of family relationship ties, is called in the writings a family-kin group. In Kazakh, these groupings are called bir ata baralary (children of one father). If a family-kin group was called Koshenbaralary, for example, then their source was called Koshen, and the families of this group had heads who were grandsons and great-grandsons of Koshen. Among the Kazakhs, such family-kin groups formed communities. The heads of families were considered close relatives up to the quaternary or fifth generation.